Faculty of Business and LawFaculty of Business and Law

Newcastle Business School Discussion Paper Series: Research on the Frontiers of Knowledge

Author: Pires, Guilherme

Abstract: The substantial literature discussing the reawakening and even strengthening of ethnicity in both advanced and developing economies is seen as an alert for the need to develop reliable ethnic marketing intelligence for management purposes. A prerequisite for this development is to better understand, and to possibly reconcile, the divide between ethnic marketing in theory and practice. This paper reports the major outcomes of extensive qualitative research recently completed. A major aim of that research was to demonstrate the benefits for ethnic marketing practice from conformance to the premises forwarded by higher level ethnic marketing theory. The development of that research identified a divide between a rigorous theoretical approach to ethnic marketing and the pragmatic approach typically subscribed in ethnic marketing practice. It is advocated that how ethnic marketing will develop into the future is related to how well this divide can be explained and reconciled. Based on the outcomes of the research, this discussion paper argues that the future of ethnic marketing, as a coherent and substantive area of research may be facilitated by adopting a pragmatic-like approach that accounts for the importance of the differences in the seeing lenses of different analysts, both theorists and practitioners. The development of ethnic marketing requires gradually bringing the different perspectives closer together, rather than defending one to the detriment of another. A framework is proposed to reduce the theory-practice divide underpinned by a pragmatic orientation.

Newcastle Business School Discussion Paper Series: Research on the Frontiers of Knowledge Number 2 (2015)

RePEc database: http://EconPapers.repec.org/RePEc:nbz:nbsuon:2015_3

Nova OA repository: http://hdl.handle.net/1959.13/1306193

Author:  Juniper, James

Abstract: The paper extends Foucault's analysis of neoliberalism in The Birth of Biopolitics. More specifically, I construct and defend an anti-Husserlian approach to the labour process with the objective of investigating how collectively generated forms of intellectual labour have been appropriated under capitalist relations of production. I also interrogate the way that different notions of (computational) applied ontology influence both the nature of and our very conception of social creativity. What, quite wrongly, has been thought of in Spinoza as pantheism is simply the reduction of the field of God to the universality of the signifier, which produces a serene, exceptional detachment from human desire. In so far as Spinoza says—desire is the essence of man, and in the radical dependence of the universality of the divine attributes, which is possible only through the function of the signifier, in so far as he does this, he obtains that unique position by which the philosopher—and it is no accident that it is a Jew detached from his tradition who embodies it—may be confused with a transcendent love. […] This position is not tenable for us. Experience shows us that Kant is more true, and I have proved that his theory of consciousness, when he writes of practical reason, is sustained only by giving a specification of the moral law which, looked at more closely, is simply desire in its pure state, that very desire that culminates in sacrifice, strictly speaking, of everything that is the object of love in one's human tenderness—I would say, not only in the rejection of the pathological object, but also in its sacrifice and murder. That is why I wrote Kant avec Sade. (Lacan, 1979: 275-6) But it is like the story of the Resistance fighters who, wanting to destroy a pylon, balanced the plastic charges so well that the pylon blew up and fell back into its hole. From the Symbolic to the Imaginary, from castration to Oedipus, and from the despotic age to capitalism, inversely, there is the progress leading to the withdrawal of the overseeing and overcoding object from on high, which gives way to a social field of immanence where the decoded flows produce images and level them down. Whence the two aspects of the signifier: a barred transcendent signifier taken in a maximum that distributes lack, and an immanent system of relations between minimal elements that come to fill the uncovered field (somewhat similar in traditional terms to the way one goes from Parmenidean Being to the atoms of Democritus). (Deleuze and Guattari,1987: 290-1). Marx was vexed by the bourgeois character of the American working class. But it turned out that the prosperous Americans were merely showing the way for the British and the French and the Japanese. The universal class into which we are merging is not the revolutionary proletariat but the innovative bourgeoisie. (McClosky, D. 2009)

Newcastle Business School Discussion Paper Series: Research on the Frontiers of Knowledge Number 2 (2015)

RePEc database: http://EconPapers.repec.org/RePEc:nbz:nbsuon:2015_2

Nova OA repository: http://hdl.handle.net/1959.13/1295791

Author : Altman, Morris

Abstract : Cooperatives represent an alternative to large-scale corporate farms and plantations as well as to independent unaffiliated small private farms. This paper presents a comparative modeling narrative on cooperative organizational forms' potential impact on equitable rural development. This speaks to issues of both increasing the size of the economic pie and how this income is distributed. The case is made the cooperatives can potentially generate higher rates of growth and more equitable growth, even in competitive economic environments. An important type of cooperative that is focused upon in this paper is one based on the linking of smaller farms into a cooperative. Economies of scale and scope can be captured by the cooperatives and transaction costs can be reduced. Given cooperative governance, one would also expect higher levels of x-efficiency. Overall, cooperatives can generate relatively high incomes to cooperative members, whilst remaining competitive with the traditional privately owned large farms. Critical to the success of the cooperative, is a set rules and regulations that place them on a level playing field with the privately owned farm. In addition, the implementation and practice of cooperative principles is key to the success of the cooperative farm and rural cooperatives, more generally speaking.

Newcastle Business School Discussion Paper Series: Research on the Frontiers of Knowledge Number 1 (2015)

RePEc database: http://EconPapers.repec.org/RePEc:nbz:nbsuon:2015_1

Nova OA repository: http://hdl.handle.net/1959.13/1295824

Author: Michael Howard

Abstract: This Discussion Paper is part of a wider contemporary history project examining the growth and role of the commercial consultancy and contractor market within the public sector in Australia since the neo-liberal turn in the mid-1980s. The paper considers evidence as to whether the role of the big international accounting firms within the public sector was ‘neo-liberal’ in nature, either as a result of ideological and policy advocacy or technical facilitation of pre-set neo-liberal directions. The extent to which these firms (currently PwC, KPMG, EY and Deloitte) are seen as integrated or fragmented organisations has some bearing on this question. Hence, the first quarter of the paper sketches the historical broadening-out of the firms from accounting to a wider range of services, the debate over whether they have functioned as global corporations or networked partnerships, the rationalisation of the leading firms over the past three decades and the relatively sparse commentary from political scientists about the significance of the firms and other commercial consultants for public policy and administration in Australia. The second quarter of the paper points to the role of the firms in regard to two markers of a neo-liberal policy direction: privatisation of government business enterprises and particular tax policies and practices. Drawing on qualitative sources, it argues that while the firms made some contribution to the agenda-setting process in both areas, in tacitly (privatisation) or explicitly (taxation) signalling their broad policy preferences, they played a more fundamental role in detailed policy formulation and implementation – in easing the path of privatisation and corporate tax minimisation. The second half of the paper summarises original research by the author in regard to official public listings of consultancies and contracts at the national government level. This quantitative analysis yields important findings: that overall spending on the firms displayed a long-term, consistent and strong increase, both in absolute terms and relative to other consultancies and contractors; that this spending went far beyond accounting and auditing to many areas of management, though with financial analysis likely to underpin management inputs; and that a good deal of this work appeared to be oriented to program content and policy-relevant tasks. Not withstanding these findings, the paper emphasises that the extent to which this work confirmed to neo-liberal markers – such as support for private modes of provision and greater competition – cannot be readily confirmed, due to limitations in the official summary data. Such confirmation can only be achieved by qualitative case studies.The paper acknowledges that, as the firms have broadened their personnel and services over the three decades, much of the management and technology work of the firms in the public sector is unlikely to be intrinsically neo-liberal but potentially compatible with other philosophies of the public sector. Nonetheless, the growing presence of the firms within the public sector does erode notions of public sector capability and distinctive ethos. The paper concludes with a brief pointer to how the foregoing discussion, and further research, can be related to the academic literature on the differing roles played by commercial consultants in relation to clients, ranging from legitimation and facilitation of client preferences through to independent advice and learning.

REPEC:  https://econpapers.repec.org/paper/nbznbsuon/

NOVA: http://hdl.handle.net/1959.13/1396678

Author: Tate, John

Abstract: This paper focuses on one of the most established names in twentieth century Locke studies, Maurice Cranston, and considers Cranston’s interpretation of John Locke’s theory of toleration. It argues that Cranston misunderstands Locke’s theory at several basic and fundamental points. By considering Cranston’s interpretation of Locke, and its pitfalls, we are able to gain a clearer understanding of Locke’s theory itself. This in itself is worthwhile given the contemporary salience of that theory, one commentator even insisting that current discussions of religious toleration have not advanced beyond the definitive framework that Locke established for this issue over three hundred years ago.

Nova OA repository: https://nova.newcastle.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/uon:34751

Author: Tate, John

Abstract: All political leaders in liberal democracies engage in “constitutive politics”. However there is a qualitative difference between a constitutive politics centered on liberal values and one centered on conservative or populist commitments. This paper seeks to explore John Howard’s political identity during his period as Australian Prime Minister by examining the extent to which his constitutive politics took on liberal, conservative or populist dimensions. The paper will show that although Howard embraced, at various times, all three ideologies, with all of the tensions and conflicts involved, his political identity cannot be reduced to any one of them, nor to an underlying electoral pragmatism. In this respect, John Howard’s political identity is far more complex than has ordinarily been assumed.

Nova OA repository: http://hdl.handle.net/1959.13/1400272

Author: Tate, John

Abstract: In a feitschrift celebrating the thought of the political philosopher John Gray, published in 2007, Gray is described as “one of the most challenging and controversial political theorists in the English-speaking world.” Perhaps this is due to his contrariness. Gray likes nothing better, it seems, than to swim against a philosophical tide.

Nova OA repository: http://hdl.handle.net/1959.13/1400549

Author: Tate, John

Abstract: Within contemporary liberal democracies, the relationship between liberalism and conservatism is a contested one. Some political parties, seeking to challenge a more egalitarian left-wing tradition, have sought to combine both within their political agenda. This article uses a debate between two professional politicians, George Brandis and John Howard, concerning the relationship between liberalism and conservatism, and the respective place of these political traditions within the Liberal Party of Australia, as the impetus for an investigation of both political traditions and the extent to which each are compatible as political philosophies. The discussion extends to an investigation of key liberal political philosophers - John Rawls, Ronald Dworkin, Friedrich von Hayek and James Buchanan. We shall see that these thinkers split on the extent to which liberalism is capable of incorporating conservative principles, thereby revealing the contested boundaries of the liberal tradition. As a result of this investigation, we shall see that the liberal tradition is in fact far more plural, and at times less individualist, than some of its most rigorous proponents proclaim.

Nova OA repository: http://hdl.handle.net/1959.13/1400544

Author: Tate, John

Abstract: Paul Keating and John Howard, as Australian Prime Ministers, were architects of some of the most profound changes in the Australian polity of the last thirty years. This article engages with recent accounts of their terms of office which have insisted that the continuities between these two very different Prime Ministers are far more significant than their differences, one even going so far as to claim that they contributed to a single “Australian project”. This paper insists that such a view misses what is most significant in any comparative perspective on Howard and Keating – their “constitutive politics” - and therefore misses what is essential to their immense impact on Australia. It also misses how each, via their “constitutive politics”, contested Australia’s relationship to the United Kingdom in the most fundamental terms.

Nova OA repository: http://hdl.handle.net/1959.13/1400546

Author: Tate, John

Abstract: This paper seeks to challenge two primary views that have been advanced in the wake of September 11 concerning the relationship between Al Qaeda, or militant Islamic fundamentalism more generally, and modernity. These are the views of John Gray and Tariq Ali. John Gray identifies Al Qaeda and Islamic fundamentalism with modernity and even sees Al Qaeda as a product of modernity. Conversely, Tariq Ali, far from identifying Al Qaeda with modernity, identifies the United States' imperial project with fundamentalism and refers to the confrontation between this project and Islamic fundamentalism as a "clash of fundamentalisms". In seeking to challenge these views, the paper distinguishes fundamentalism from modernity in the most foundational terms and argues that the "logic" characteristic of each is intrinsically at odds.

Nova OA repository: http://hdl.handle.net/1959.13/1400834

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Author: Tate, John

Abstract: The very longevity of John Howard’s period in office means that we often forget to what extent his electoral success from 1996 to 2007 transformed the fortunes of the Liberal Party of Australia. We can regain a sense of this if we re-read the opening chapter of Gerard Henderson’s book, Menzies’ Child, published in 1994, a year prior to John Howard’s resumption of the Liberal leadership and two years prior to his electoral victory in 1996. When Henderson published this book, the Liberal Party had been out of national office for eleven years, and the very bleakness of their plight resonated in his prose. Henderson argued that the problem that beset the Liberal Party was one of leadership. Not that leadership was absent, but rather that it dominated the party – that the Liberals had a “leadership fixation” or a “Messiah complex”.

Nova OA repository: http://hdl.handle.net/1959.13/1400829

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Author: Tate, John

Abstract: Kant’s conception of providence is often thought to occupy an anomalous position relative to his critical philosophy. Scholars have differed on whether it is consistent or inconsistent with his wider philosophical position. This article seeks to provide an explanation of Kant’s desire to view human history in terms of providence – and argues this arises both as a result of his Enlightenment commitments and his previous commitment to theodicy. It also considers the question of whether Kant’s postulation of providence is consistent with his wider critical philosophy.

Nova OA repository: http://hdl.handle.net/1959.13/1400828

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Author: Tate, John

Abstract: In 1890, the Australian colonial politician, Henry Parkes, referred to the 'crimson thread of kinship' which he believed bound Australians to the United Kingdom. Within an increasingly multicultural Australia, situated within the Asia-Pacific region, such ties to the United Kingdom might be thought an anachronistic aspect of Australia's past. Yet in the 1990s and 2000s, two Australian Prime Ministers, who shared sixteen years of office between them, placed Australia's relationship to the United Kingdom at the centre of their respective political agendas, and at the core of their engagement with each other. This article seeks to investigate why this aspect of Australia's past took on such a contemporary importance during the Prime Ministerships of Paul Keating and John Howard, and focuses on the discursive strategies each Prime Minister adopted to render the 'crimson thread' such a salient feature of the Australian political landscape.

Nova OA repository: http://hdl.handle.net/1959.13/1400820

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Author: Tate, John

Abstract: Although completing their major work over one hundred and fifty years apart, John Locke and John Stuart Mill are two seminal figures in the development of the liberal tradition. However some recent commentators have seen Mill as far more at home in this tradition than Locke, even presenting key aspects of Locke’s political philosophy as having distinctly anti-liberal implications centered on persecution. This paper challenges this view and, in fact, reverses it, insisting that it is the seventeenth century figure of Locke who is far more compatible with what we now understand as the liberal tradition than his illustrious Victorian successor.

Nova OA repository: http://hdl.handle.net/1959.13/1400821

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Author: Tate, John

Abstract: Stanley Fish’s critique of liberalism is a challenging one. This paper seeks to show how Fish’s most comprehensive attempt to deconstruct the liberal tradition is subject to fundamental flaws due to Fish’s failure to come to grips with the very foundations of liberalism itself. In particular, Fish places great emphasis on the seventeenth century English philosopher, John Locke, as the inaugurator of the basic “contradiction” to which, he believes, liberalism is beset. This paper shows that Fish has fundamentally misunderstood Locke and therefore has misunderstood the “contradiction” which he believes Locke’s political philosophy inaugurates for liberalism. Ultimately therefore, Fish’s broad challenge to liberalism, which he has also pursued in other writings, is weakened by the fact that what he perceives to be the root of the liberal problem was not present within the roots of liberalism at all.

Nova OA repository: http://hdl.handle.net/1959.13/1400836

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Author: Tate, John

Abstract: This paper seeks to deal with the challenges which non-liberal values and practices, particularly religious ones, raise for contemporary liberal democracies. As a means to this end, it focuses on the latest ramifications of the Danish Cartoons Affair and the capacity of various schools of thought within contemporary political philosophy to provide a way forward on this issue. One of the obvious features of the direct confrontation between faith-based outlooks and more secular positions within contemporary liberal democracies is the gulf of incommensurability that often divides the two, with neither side being able to advance arguments which are reasonable or understandable within the terms of the other. I define such a confrontation as a “clash of world views” (it being a narrower, and slightly less contentious, concept than a “clash of civilizations”). Such a “clash” occurs when each side believes “ultimate” issues to be at stake, since in such contexts, neither can concede ground to the other without also conceding something definitive (and therefore non-negotiable) in their own world view. As Jürgen Habermas tells us: “Unlike theories, worldviews have the power to structure a whole life.” (Habermas 2003a, p. 227). Not everyone possesses such a “world view”, but those that do are liable to see certain issues as being fundamental to the integrity of the world view itself, and so of the first and last importance, on which no concession can be given. It is around these issues that a “clash” is possible, often in the most agonistic terms, endangering liberalism’s basic rules of civil coexistence in the process.

Nova OA repository: http://hdl.handle.net/1959.13/1400801

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Author:Crabtree, Louise; Grimstad, Sidsel; McNeill, Joanne; Perry, Neil; Power, Emma

Abstract: Housing cooperatives are a growing presence in Australia’s housing system, providing a diversity of housing forms to a variety of household types across the income spectrum, typically serving low- and moderate-income households. International evidence shows that housing cooperatives can provide a range of housing from very low price points through to market rate in both non-urban and urban contexts. Housing cooperatives are legally incorporated entities that provide housing for their members and are bound by relevant national or state legislation, such as Australia’s federal Co-operatives National Law, 2012. Many housing cooperatives hold title to housing that they make available to their members; in such instances, some cooperatives own the housing while others lease it from another entity, often the government. As members of the cooperative, residents do not own their homes but own a share in the cooperative and ownership of a share gives the member the right to live in one of the cooperative’s homes. Other housing cooperatives do not hold title but still undertake activities such as tenancy management and selection. This is part of what creates the diversity of cooperative housing. Shares can range from a minimal value through to market value. Where shares have a minimal value, cooperative housing functions more like renting as the resident pays a regular fee to the cooperative. That charge is often indexed to household income to keep it affordable. Where shares have a market value, cooperative housing functions more like ownership as shares will sell at whatever price the market will bear. In market cooperatives, shares act as a form of housing equity. There are also cooperatives that set their share value between these two ends of the price spectrum and so can act like affordable ownership models; these are often called limited-equity cooperatives. Regardless of the value of shares, all housing cooperatives agree to operate according to the international cooperative principles: 1. Voluntary and Open Membership; 2. Democratic Member Control; 3. Member Economic Participation; 4. Autonomy and Independence; 5. Education, Training and Information; 6. Cooperation among Co-operatives; 7. Concern for Community. The scale of international housing cooperative sectors varies greatly, with the United States of America (USA), Canada, and the United Kingdom (UK) characterised by very small sectors (typically less than one per cent of housing stock) and in contrast, some Scandinavian sectors comprise 30 per cent of stock. The research presented in this report reviewed a selection of international cooperative housing sectors in addition to the Australian context, with two aims: 1. Compile the current evidence for the social and financial benefits of housing cooperatives, to develop a framework to assess this in Australia; and, 2. Identify preliminary issues regarding the growth and diversification of housing cooperatives in Australia. Original Report: National Housing Co-Operative Network, January 2019.

Nova OA repository: http://hdl.handle.net/1959.13/1399941

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Please submit your completed manuscript by email to John.Tate@newcastle.edu.au.

Editor: Guilherme Pires and John Tate
Co-editors:
Marketing:                                 Ameet Pandit
Accounting and Finance:          Van Le
Tourism:                                    Po-Hsin Lai
Supply Chain Management:     Richard Oloruntoba
Management:                            Richard Oloruntoba
IBUS:
Politics:                                     Sara Motta
ERHRM:                                   Ashish Malik